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Randall Collins convincingly argues that much of Max Weber's work has been misunderstood, and that many of his most striking and sophisticated theories have been overlooked. By analysing hitherto little known aspects of Weber's writings, Professor Collins is able both to offer a new interpretation of Weberian sociology and to show how the more fruitful lines of the Weberian approach can be projected to an analysis of current world issues. Professor Collins begins with Weber's theory of the rise of capitalism, examining it in the light of Weber's later writings on the subject and extending the Weberian line of reasoning to suggest a 'Weberian revolution' in both medieval Europe and China. He also offers a new interpretation of Weber's theory of politics, showing it to be a 'world-system' model; and he expands this into a theory of geopolitics, using as a particular illustration the prediction of the future decline of Russian world power. Another 'buried treasure' in the corpus is Weber's conflict theory of the family as sex and property, which Professor Collins applies to the historical question of the conditions that led to the initial rise in the status of women. The broad view of Weber's works shows that Weberian sociology remains intellectually alive and that many of his theories still represent the frontier of our knowledge about large-scale social processes.
- Sales Rank: #1552585 in Books
- Brand: Brand: Cambridge University Press
- Published on: 1986-02-28
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.98" h x .83" w x 5.98" l, 1.19 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 370 pages
- Used Book in Good Condition
Most helpful customer reviews
2 of 2 people found the following review helpful.
Still Highly Valuable Weberian Sociological Theory Three Decades Later
By Johannes Bakker
This book was first published in 1986. There has been a great deal of research on Max Weber and theorizing utilizing Weber's insights since then. So why would anyone want to buy this book three decades later? The simple answer is that everything in this book is still relevant to the better comprehension of Max Weber's stimulating approach to sociological theory, history and "political economy." Anyone who wishes to understand the emergence of "modern capitalism" would do well to read as much of Max Weber's work as possible. The collected works (Gesamtausgabe) allow scholars to trace subtle nuances in the changes in Weber's views. But those who do not read German fluently have to rely on other languages. Professor Collins' book is a significant contribution to English-language discussions of Weber. The book is divided into four Parts: Part I: Economics, Part II: Politics, Part III: Culture, and Part IV: "Sex" [the family, the household, marriage politics, status of women, etc.). Cahpter 8 on "The Future Decline of the Russian Empire" predicted many events that took place AFTER 1986. Chapter 2 on "Weber's Last Theory of Capitalism" examines the overall theory of "modern capitalism" and thereby clarifies the importance of not just relying on the essays collected in English as "The Protestant Ethic and the 'Spirit' of ]Modern] Capitalism." Those essays from 1904, 1905 and 1906 are not the final result of Weber's work on capitalism. To some extent they can be considered very stimulating "sketches." Of course, Weber died in 1920, too early to fully predict everything that happened in subsequent years. But if we read Chapter 3 carefully then we have a grasp of what is crucial to modern capitalism as a new form of political, economic and societal structure after the High Middle Ages. The comparison with Buddhist China is very informative. Chapter 9 also returns to the importance of studying religious institutions. Chapter 10 provides a very succinct discussion of the Hegelian background to Marxist and Marxian theory. The sociology of markets is somewhat different from the study of exploitation and what Marx called "surplus value." A review for amazon is not the place to launch into a detailed discussion of every detail. No doubt some readers may not agree with everything that Collins writes. But any relatively well educated reader will find this a very stimulating book and well worth the price. I believe, for example, that the discussion of "The universal church and the imperial state" (pp. 215-221) provides a heuristic clue to the sociological meaning of theological dogma and heresy. Some political Marxists may not like Weber's interpretive, comparative historical sociology. But to even begin to criticize Weber it is necessary to read Collins' brilliant exposition of the implications of his thought. Collins is sometimes labelled a "conflict theorist" and many would argue Weber was not a conflict theorist, but in some ways Professor Collins is a Neo-Weberian thinker who discards some aspects of Weber's thinking and takes up the value of other Weberian ideas by comparing Weber's specific arguments with new subjects that are not specifically addressed in Weber's oeuvre. Of course, Collins himself has written a great deal since 1986. Anyone who reads this book may want to follow up with other work by Collins, some of which is not specifically Weberian or Neo-Weberian. HIs book The Sociology of Philosophies (Belknap) is a magnum opus that goes far further than Weber was able to do because of the wealth of scholarship on Sinitic, Indic and Greek civilizations that has appeared since the 1910s. Modern capitalism is not the only subject discussed in this book, but anyone who is interested in knowing about current trends in the global capitalist political economic system will benefit from having these stimulating chapters as background. Historians like to make derogatory comments about Weber, usually just in a footnote. But often academic historians do not really read Weber's oeuvre and have no clear idea of the heuristic value of Weber's ideal type analysis. Read this book.
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